The ability of Egyptians to criticize colonialism, oppression and exploitation was greater and stronger before independence . After the colonialists were replaced by the national power, the scope of opportunities, rights and actions of the citizens was greatly reduced. The gap between the constitutions inspired by the spirit of freedoms, rights and duties and the existing bitter reality still exists and is widening. The present is worse than the past, and the future is worse than both. Egypt's recent past, independence and beyond - through the eyes of Azon Global .

In the first half of the 20th century, an Arab woman living in financial hardship asked the village intellectuals: "When will these difficulties end?" asked, they said: "When colonialism ends and independence comes."

Later, independence came, holidays were celebrated, people were happy and began to expect many good things. But the hardships in the life of the people, and of course the old lady, continue as before. Now he asked: "When will independence come?" instead of saying, "When will independence end?" he asked.

The hero of this story did not realize that colonialism left behind two things. One is problems bigger than people's capabilities; and the second was the elite class, which could not create enough opportunities to overcome these problems.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONIAL IDEA

This elite class that came after colonialism also inherited the legacy of colonialism. Then he increased this level and achieved "milestones" that even the colonists could not achieve. In addition, this elite class did not have the same intelligence as the colonialists in terms of governance, politics and state management. Without intelligence and understanding, the result is two things: more tyranny and more poverty.

France under Napoleon Bonaparte started the wave of modern European colonization by conquering Egypt and Syria before anyone else. And this wave was crowned with the establishment of Israel in the land of Palestine in the middle of the twentieth century. Since then, the peoples of this region have been fighting on three fronts: freedom from colonialism, freedom from oppression, freedom from exploitation; that is, independence, freedom and social justice.

The only achievement was the end of European colonialism. But it was replaced by American-European hegemony. The invading forces left. The direct or indirect rule of the occupiers has ceased. But domination and control did not stop because of the objective superiority of the West, or because the newly independent states needed Western aid, from food to weapons. It can also be said that this situation has continued because some elite class that has taken the place of the West is inclined to "compromise with the West" or "cooperate with it". Those who deviate from this rule will be broken first by their actions, then by themselves, and then by those who accept adaptation or subjugation to Western hegemony.

The American-European hegemony managed to develop the idea of colonialism without directly conquering it, without even touching the pride of the peoples or touching the independence they had just achieved. He connected the countries of the region without physical coercion, with agreements in the fields of military, security, economy and information exchange. With this, the old colonialism has duly taken its place.

Hegemony has become a habit, and it has benefited both interested parties that people can live undisturbed by it. The first side is the West in the form of governments and companies. The second party is the managers and the exploiters around them, the categories that benefit economically and politically from the exchange of interests between the external hegemonic power and the internal exploitative power.

UNDERMINING THE PEOPLE

External hegemonic powers and internal exploitative powers focused on Egypt's first constitution after the revolution of July 23, 1952, and the departure of the last British soldier on June 13, 1956, following the evacuation agreement reached between Egypt and occupying Britain on October 19, 1954. This constitution was promulgated on January 16, 1956, after a three-year transition period, and was submitted to a popular referendum on June 23, 1956.

The preamble of the constitution states: "We, the people of Egypt, have taken away our freedom and right to live by continuous struggle against the control of foreign invaders and the rule of internal exploitation.

We are a nation that crowned its struggle throughout history with a great victory in the revolution of July 23, 1952, and took its destiny into its own hands the very next day.

We, the people of Egypt, who have learned from their past, are determined from today and have determined the path of the future free from fear, need, and humiliation, are building a prosperous society with effective action. In its shadow, the elimination of colonialists and their servants, the abolition of feudalism, the elimination of monopoly over power and the control of capitalism, the creation of a strong national army, the establishment of social justice, and the establishment of a strong democratic life will be realized.

We, the people of Egypt, believe that everyone has the right to live, believe and think freely today and tomorrow. He has no other authority over these rights than reason and conscience.

We are the people of Egypt who honor holiness, justice and equality as the true roots of freedom and peace."

These writings, which express the demands of Egyptians from colonialism seventy years or more ago, are still useful to express the aspirations of this people seventy years after independence. The difference is that in the past, Egyptians had more and stronger opportunities to criticize colonialism, oppression and exploitation than during the period of independence. After the colonialists were replaced by the national power, the scope of opportunities, rights and actions of the citizens was greatly reduced.

If these texts are given again in the preamble of the new Constitution to be written in 2056 AD, they will be able to express the aspirations of the people even 100 years after the first Constitution of 1956. Because even after seventy years, this nation has not been freed from fear, poverty and humiliation; It is a people whose sufferings continued even during the period of independence in various forms, under the pretext of nationality. It's just that one manager was replaced by another, and the forms of exploitation evolved while retaining their essence.

STATE TRAP

The gap between the constitutions inspired by the spirit of freedoms, rights and duties and the existing bitter reality still exists and is widening. The present is worse than the past, and the future is worse than both.

On the contrary, the law of retrogression or retrogression prevents the strengthening of freedoms, rights and duties. Instead of moving forward, things are going backwards over time. Thus, each new stage is worse than the previous one.

During this centenary constitutional period (1923–2023), from the first constitution after the revolution of 1919, to the first constitution after the 23 July revolution, then from the last constitution in 1952 to the last constitution in 2014 and then the amendments in 2019, Egyptians have achieved the best constitutions on earth. they got the most exemplary constitution ever. But this constitutional development was not reflected in reality, in the real life of Egyptians. That is, as Saad Zaglul said in the first speech of his government in January 1942, in the relationship between the government and the people, people are looking at the rulers as if they were looking at the hunters of prey, not the commander of soldiers.

In the eyes of the citizen, the state is still an ambush, a trap, a trap, a prison, and he tries not to fall into it. For him, the state is a source of doubt, fear and mistrust.

From 1923 to 2023, 30 years of the constitutional centenary were the era of colonialism and King Muhammad Ali Pasha and his dynasty, and the next 70 years were the era of independence and republican presidents.

The difference between the two periods is as follows: in the first period, with the blessing of the 1919 revolution, the people were active and in high spirits; As for the second period, the July 23 revolution pushed the people aside with its military character.

The presence of the people as voters continued in the first period. Because it was based on parliamentary democracy and periodic elections between parties.

The existence of the people as such a political force was reduced or even disappeared in the second period. Because this period was based on a presidential system in which only one candidate was elected by referendum, not by competition between several candidates.

This single candidate - based on the presidency - appoints members of parliament, who then nominate him. Here, public participation is no more than an electoral form of absurdity in its most superficial and silly guise.

Then the one-candidate system turned into a system in which the candidate selects several superficial, formal candidates alongside himself. They are independent, they do not present themselves as candidates, but this single candidate chooses and appoints them and determines what they should say and do. Anyone who deviates from this limit will be punished.

A summary of the difference between the two periods: the first period, 1923-1953, saw an increase in the power of the citizen to choose those who govern him; the second period, i.e. 1953-2023, increased the ability of rulers to choose themselves by expressing their wishes to the institutions they created. Whether it is a minority or a majority of voters, these institutions are responsible for fixing the rest themselves. It doesn't matter whether the participation is strong or weak, in both cases the results of the election are known, predetermined.

EGYPT'S MOST DANGEROUS DATES

On December 10, 1952, the Free Officers announced the collapse of the 1923 Constitution, the only constitution under which Egyptians could play the games of democracy. Major General Muhammad Najib said: "There is no other option but to draft a new constitution so that the people can achieve their goals. And it should be the source of real power."

Ali Mohir Pasha, a veteran politician who accepted to be the prime minister under the command of officers and threw it away after being used, said: "The constitution of 1923 represents the democracy of the 19th century. It is no longer suitable to stay in the new century in this state.

Like that old woman who did not understand that post-colonial national governance is not better than colonialism, Major General Muhammad Najib did not imagine that the people would not be the basis of power, and that the president would be the first and last source of all authority and power.

Also, Ali Mohir Pasha did not realize that the alternative to the 1923 constitution would be a dictatorship of the 20th century, not a democracy more advanced than the democracy of the 19th century.

It was necessary to justify the transition from a flawed parliamentary democracy to an all-powerful presidential dictatorship, to cover this new presidential tyranny with a sacred sense of patriotism, and to cover it with popular legislation.

In 1956, Egypt witnessed the most dangerous dates:

1. June 13 . Evacuation of British forces;

2. June 23 . A referendum will be held to elect Jamal Abdunnasir, a resident of the republic , as the president with 99.9 percent of votes.

3. June 26 . Nationalization of the Suez Canal.

4. October 26 ` Triad against Egypt - Israel, Britain, France attack.

Between these four dates, the historical time was determined for the birth of the holy national oppression in the neighborhood.